attempted, and in part succeeded in doing. But I had not proceeded to the entire development of all the views which I entertained on the subject, before I very plainly saw that my worthy colleagues suspected me of a desire to take the lead in a measure which might become popular at home. They said my plan, proposing that Congress should make provisions by law, for procuring a suitable country for the permanent location of all the then remaining remnants of the different tribes of Indians in all the states, would give some strength to the proposition, but they had no idea that the subject would be seriously entertained at that time, or during the administration of Mr. Adams. However, some of them admitted my attempt would do no harm, while others seemed to think it would produce unnecessary excitement. By this courtesy towards my colleagues, I felt relieved from the necessity of further special consultation, and therefore determined to rely on my own judgment, and the help of the Almighty. In the organizations of the committees of the House I was placed on the committee "on Indian Affairs," and on the 13th day of December, 1827, introduced the following resolution: "Resolved, that the Committee on Indian Affairs be instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing, by law, for the removal of the various tribes of Indians who have located within the States or Territories of the United States to some eligible situation, west of the Mississippi River," which resolution was referred accordingly. This was the first attempt ever made by any member of Congress with a view of carrying out the plan of collecting and colonizing the various remnants of Indian tribes still remaining in a number of the states to some suitable location west of the Mississippi River. This incipient step was taken by me with a view to the whole ground connected with our Indian relations.

First, I admit I had in view relieving my own state from the incumbrance of her Indian population, and, with her, all the other states in like condition. Secondly, I was anxious to better the condition of the Indians, by placing them beyond the jurisdiction and control of the state government, and where the Federal Government might, unmolested by state authority, carry out its benevolent designs of preserving and civilizing the remnant tribes of the original race. Moreover, I wished to place the Indians in a permanent home, where the missionary efforts of all pious and good men-Churches, Christian Associations

might have a permanent field of labor, to carry out their good designs of Christianizing and civilizing a most interesting heathen people. I even extended my hopes to the day when the Indian people might become an interesting and worthy member of our great confederacy of states.

I succeeded in imparting my views to a majority of the committee to whom the subject had been referred, so far as to obtain as favorable a report on my resolution as I could have desired, under all the circumstances, at that time.

The committee recommended the appropriation of fifteen thousand dollars, to defray the expenses, and enable three commissioners, to be appointed by the President, to examine and explore the country west of the Mississippi, and to ascertain and report, whether a suitable country could he procured for the purposes set forth in the resolution above referred to. This report, after full discussion, and much opposition, was finally sustained by Congress, and full provision made for carrying it into ef fect. I am convinced however upon this, as is the case upon almost every difficult, new and complicated measure which comes before Congress: that a great deal more was done, by quiet and unobtrusive efforts, in private circles and intercourse with influential individuals, than was affected by congressional display, long and exciting speeches, &c. Í bestowed much labor in conferring freely, first, with my committee, then with the members from those states who had a deep interest in the subject, as well as my own. Indeed much of my time was spent in endeavoring to give success to this measure, while I endeavored faithfully to attend to every duty which devolved on me as a member of Congress; and there were many important measures brought before this Congress.

My observation and experience had taught me, that no one member of Congress could assume to take special charge of more than one important measure at a time, without incurring the imputation of assuming too much. Therefore I often remained silent upon other subjects, even when I desired to take an active part, that I might be more favorably attended to, on this Indian subject. If any should hereafter take the trouble to examine Congressional journals and documents, embracing the time of which I am writing, it will be seen that shortly after I had introduced this subject to the attention of Congress, and it was seen, that its importance was attracting much attention:

That several other members of Congress, in states deeply interested in the subject, as well as one of my colleagues at least, followed in my footsteps, and introduced resolutions embracing the very matter contained in my resolution, and had them referred to the same committee, which served to amuse the committee, as it gave them no additional labor-they were behind time-a few days too late. The stand I had taken upon this subject often brought me into direct personal and corresponding intercourse with many of the best informed men of the country, upon all subjects connected with our Indian relations. I conferred freely with the officers of the government who had charge of these affairs at Washington. Indian Agents from every quarter sought my acquaintance, and, with few exceptions, embraced and patronized my views, with zeal and energy. And Indian missionaries, and agents of missionary societies, conferred freely with me on the subject. About this time, I made the acquaintance of that zealous and able missionary of the Cross, the Rev. Isaac McCoy, who lived and died, after many years of toil and suffering, zealously engaged in the work of Indian civili zation and Christianization. From my first acquaintance with this good man, to the day of his death, I found him an able auxiliary in the cause of Indian reform, &c. The first session of the 20th Congress was brought to a close near the end of May, 1828, and on my return to my home and constituents, I was received with kind and approbatory greetings from my constituents, wherever I met them. There seemed to be a general desire that I should continue to serve them in the next Congress. I therefore became a candidate for re-election to the next Congress, and at the October election following was again elected to Congress, by a highly flattering vote, and in December following was at my post in Washington, prepared to enter on the duties of the 2nd session of the 20th Con-gress. I was pleased with the tenor and tone of the President's Message on Indian Affairs, as well as the report of the Secretary of War, Governor Barbour, of Virginia, on the same subject. In every important particular, these documents coincided with my own views, and sustained the ground which I had occupied at the previous session. The report of the Commissioners who had been appointed to examine the country west of the Mississippi and ascertain if a suitable country could be obtained for the emigration of all the Indians from the States, was highly favorable in

every respect, a sufficient and good country could be procured, and on the most reasonable terms. It seemed as if nothing was ating but immediate legislation to consummate the views of the friends of emigration. But we still found many serious obstacles in the way over and above the zealous opposition of our open and determined opponents, in both Houses of Congress. Many of the members of Congress, from states the most deeply interested in the success of Indian emigration, seemed reluctant to cast their weight and influence into a policy which had originated with others, and in bringing about which they had in no way participated. Although they dared not oppose these measures, many resolutions were introduced, and many inquiries for further information on this subject made, which were calculated, if not designed, to retard and procrastinate efficient legislation on the subject. ■ More-over, during the recess of Congress, the Northern fanatics, male and female, had gone to work and gotten up thousands of petitions, signed by more than a million, of men, women and children, protesting against the removal of the poor dear Indians, from the states where they were located, to the west of the Mississippi. These petitions often denounced my own beloved Georgia as the headquarters of all that was vile and wicked in her intercourse with Indians; and to finish the picture, in these petitions we were denounced as slaveholders. Books and pamphlets were written and circulated extensively, by Northern ministers, and some missionaries of the Cross, misrepresenting and perverting every fact connected with this Indian subject.

The more civilized portion of the Indians, too, had been put to work, aided by the noble feed lawyers, to crush or stay this policy of Indian emigration.

This, moreover, was the short session of Congress, and must necessarily terminate its session on the 4th of March. Under all the circumstances, the friends of emigration found it was not practicable to consummate all the legisla tion which they desired during this session, and therefore endeavored to obtain such legislation as might hereafter have a favorable bearing on the subject, by providing everything which justice and right demanded in favor of the Indians, and by amending the intercourse laws, &c. I was myself much gratified to find that the number of my able co-operators in this Indian policy was constantly increasing, and enlarging. My support was now altogether

a different thing to what it was when I put this ball in motion. For then, as was said by a certain man, on a different occasion, I stood solitary and alone. I now perceived that the Indian subject was destined to become the great subject of the day. And knowing as I did, that Gen'l Jackson would be in the Presidential chair at the next session of Congress, and that his general views coincided with my own on the subject, I felt measurably content to exercise that degree of patience which the circumstances with which we were encompassed seemed to demand. However, no time was to be spent in idleness, nor did I spend any in that way. I availed myself of every opportunity to make myself perfectly familiar with everything which appertained to Indian history in this country. I was not content with tracing the policy which had been preserved by the Federal Government in relation to Indian affairs, from first to last, but I examined thoroughly the policy of all the colonial and state governments towards the Indians. I examined the transactions of the Federal and state governments, when they had either acted in concert, or had come into conflict, in relation to Indian matters. Further, I read and examined writers on the laws of nations, to find all that I could, bearing on the subject, and carefully examined the judicial decisions of our ablest judges, on all subjects where Indians were concerned.