DECEMBER, 1811. Additional Military Force. SENATE. under all circumstances, adventure to predict, that the scheme of now raising twenty-five thousand regular troops, to perform the arduous service contemplated in the President's Message, would entirely fail, and that the course pointed out by the President must at last be adopted; that is, to unite volunteers with regular troops. for he understood the Message and the object of it very differently; and he should have expected that the candor of the honorable member would have induced him to have given the Message a fair interpretation. That he had not done so, must be supposed to proceed from this recent but very strong attachment to a regular military force. However anti-republican this doctrine had formMr. A. said he trusted that the honorable memerly been, it seemed now to be viewed through a ber and himself had in view the same object, but different medium by the honorable member from differed as to the means of carrying it into effect. Virginia. Mr. A. said, that having, as he thought, The means proposed by the honorable member proved, by a fair interpretation of the President's were regular troops only. If then the bill should Message, that he intended to unite the volunteers pass to raise 25,000, entire dependence would, (that might be thought requisite) with the regu- in all probability, be placed upon the regular lar troops, to perform the urgent services of which troops, ordered to be raised; the consequence, as he speaks, he would endeavor to present a fair he had before said, would be, that the whole oband impartial view of the course recommended ject must fail. He was, therefore, for taking the by the President, and compare it with the course regular troops that could be raised in time, and which had been taken and so strenuously sup- supplying the additional number of men, which ported by the honorable member from Virginia. might be wanted, by volunteers-fifteen or twenty The President had recommended the raising of thousand of whom could, he had no doubt, be volunteers; and it was incidentally made known, brought into the field, before ten thousand of the that the auxiliary force spoken of, was 10,000 regular troops, contemplated by the bill, could be regular troops. If then provision had been im- enlisted. By this mode (notwithstanding so much mediately made by the law for raising 10,000 reg-time had been lost) an efficient army might be ular troops, and also for raising volunteers, those yet provided in time to carry into effect the obtroops now would be in a state of preparation;jects of the Government, which, Mr. A. said, he a considerable number of the regular troops would did not believe could or would be done, if depenere now have been enlisted, and the chance of dence were placed upon the regular troops. Notgetting the whole number greatly increased. If withstanding the little confidence which the hontime had been afforded, as it ought to have been, orable member seems disposed to place in the volthe laws passed within two or three weeks after unteers, Mr. A. said, he had no hesitation in givCongress met, which might have been done, a suf- ing it, as his most decided opinion, that at least ficient regular force would, in all probability, have as much dependence might be placed upon the been in a state of readiness in all the month of volunteers, as upon the newly raised regular April; and the number of volunteers which troops. The volunteers would have the same might have been required to make up the neces- chance of discipline that the new regulars would sary force, would no doubt long since have offered have. A sufficient number of those who offered their services, and the whole have been in a state their services might be called into the field, as of preparation to take the field in time to have early as the season would admit, and placed unperformed the arduous service contemplated by der strict discipline: to which for their own honthe President. But, instead of that course having or they would readily submit-nay, require, if been pursued, what has been done? Your first left to their own choice; for the first object they military bill, reported only a few days ago, is would have in view would be to acquire military now under consideration; the session now al- skill; and they would not only be very soon premost half expired; and, at this late period, the pared to perform field duty, but might entirely be honorable member, to whom, as chairman of the depended upon for any other service. Witness committee, &c., the whole management of the the prowess of the volunteers at the battle of the military business was referred, insists upon rais Wabash, and these had not been disciplined at ing 25,000 regular troops, whose duty it shall be all. Mr. A. said, he expected the honorable memto make a descent upon Canada, in all the month ber would admit, that the materials of which the of May. Can the gentleman be serious? Does volunteers would be composed, would be at least he believe it practicable? If he does, Mr. A. equal to those of which the regular troops would said, he should be obliged to believe, that the be formed; and the officers of the volunteer corps honorable member was in earnest some days ago, being appointed by the President, would, he had when he assured the Senate that he knew very no doubt, faithfully perform their duty. Those, little of military affairs. Mr. A. said, from the said Mr. A., are completely in our power; and he proofs we have repeatedly had, of the difficulty considered it our best policy, as well as our duty, of obtaining men by enlistment for so long a time to bring them into action. Mr. A. said in addias five years, and the want in our country of those tion to the efficiency of the means which he prokinds of materials of which regular troops are posed to bring into the field, it would have made, he did not believe that one-half the num-one very considerable advantage over the regular ber proposed to be raised by the bill could be enlisted within the time required. Mr. A. said, although he was not as much in the habit of prophesying as the honorable member, he would, army of the honorable member. It would be more conformable to the true principles of the Constitution, and would consequently be more acceptable to the nation. The confidence with which he SENATE. Additional Military Force. DECEMBER, 1811. firmness as the regular troops. Many of them were killed and wounded. Among the number, were said to be seven of one family connexion, brothers, brothers-in law, and cousins; several of whom he had himself seen after the action. Scenes like this, Mr. President, (said Mr. A.,) of which he had been an eye-witness and in which he claimed some participation, had given him that to the Senate in the course of his observations, and which, he said, should never cease but with his existence. They are, sir, the best military materials in your country-they are the flower of your forests; they ought not to be thrown into the back-ground, the better to enable the honorable member from Virginia to present his regulars in front. Mr. ANDERSON said, I have stated, Mr. President, perhaps with some warmth, the grounds upon which my confidence in volunteers has been founded; and be it remembered, said Mr. A., that they were militia volunteers. He said, he ought to have stated, that the enemy they had encountered, was composed of regulars and Hessiansthe whole under the command of the Hessian General Knyphausen. Mr. A. said the volunteers he now proposed raising he would have engaged for nine or twelve months, from the time of their reaching the place of general rendezvous. They should be engaged by officers to be appointed by the President, under such regulations (of course) as might be provided by law; but which could not now be well detailed. had spoken of volunteers, was not founded upon visionary theory, but practical experience; he had often, in the Revolution, had opportunity to witness their military ardor and persevering firmness; on two occasions in particular, the one at Connecticut Farms, the other at Springfield, in the Spring of 1780. The enemy had advanced, in force about two thousand, to a place called Connecticut Farms, about four miles from Elizabeth-confidence in volunteers, which he had evinced town, in New Jersey. The only troops that were within striking distance to oppose this force, was the brigade of Jersey Regulars, containing then about a thousand men; many volunteers, how ever, flocked to their standard-the enemy were met by this force-a battle ensued-the American army had the advantage of the ground; but the right wing of the enemy extended so far, that if not suddenly checked, it would have enabled them to have flanked our left. It was necessary to prevent it-services of this kind must be promptly rendered; four hundred regulars and two hundred volunteers were ordered to execute it; no more could be spared from the line. A good position alone could have justified the attempt, with the disparity of numbers. It was first made by manœuvre, but it was soon found it could only be done with the bayonet. A determined charge was made, and it was successful; the enemy were repulsed; the volunteers were upon the left; not a man broke his ranks. Some brave fellows fell, but their places were immediately filled; all be haved with the firmness of veterans. The next day, those troops had the thanks of General WASHINGTON in general orders. The volunteers had only joined the regulars a few days before the action. In about two weeks after, the enemy advanced in greater force-about five thousand-the troops who had been in the former action had kept their position where the battle had been fought; it was advantageous for an inferior force; it was a defile, covered for some distance on the right by a morass; on the left it was not well pro-sal, and thereby obtain some small reparation for tected. Against this position, the enemy again the many losses and injuries, which have been advanced; and, by their increased numbers, they sustained from the depredations committed upon were enabled to extend their right wing so far as the honor and interests of the nation. Mr. A. completely to turn our left. We were obliged to said, that upon different occasions, he had always retreat; but not without having kept the enemy given it as his opinion, that a descent upon Canaa considerable time in check. You know, Mr. da ought never to be attempted with a force of President, there is no situation so trying to the less than twenty-five thousand men; that such a bravery and firmness of troops, as a retreat (for force would make an awful impression-and even you, sir, I believe, had to retreat sometimes.) would, in all probability, save many valuable The volunteers, upon this occasion, behaved like lives; as no opposing force, in the usual state of themselves; a sullen, indignant step, marked the country, would be able to meet it in the field. their movements; and from the mouths of their Mr. A. said, he repeated, that no expression had guns they spoke to the enemy the language of de- escaped him, either in public debate or in private fiance; the enemy did not advance one mile, be- conversation, to justify the insinuations made by fore a fortunate position, supported by determined the gentleman, that he was unwilling to vote a bravery, enabled the united force of the regulars sufficient force for the invasion of Canada. On and volunteers to arrest their progress for the re- the contrary, he believed that no man who had mainder of the day. This day's action began with seen active military service, and who had any the dawn of the morning, and continued until the knowledge of the situation and state of that counsetting of the sun, when the enemy fell back to try, would say that it would be prudent or safe, take a secure position against the expected at- to make a descent upon Canada, with a force of tacks of the night. During the whole of this less than twenty-five thousand men; peculiar day's action, the volunteers kept the stations as- circumstances might, however, render it necessasigned them, which they sustained with as muchry, to attempt with a smaller number, and depend Mr. A. said, he should now offer some observations upon the number of troops that ought to be employed. He said that the invasion of Canada was not now contemplated for the first time-it had often been a subject of conversation, whenever there had been any prospect of a war with England. It has been considered as the most convenient means upon which we could make repri DECEMBER, 1811. Additional Military Force. SENATE. upon immediate supplies being furnished, to sus- and interests of the whole Western section of the tain the ground that might be acquired. Mr. A. Union. What, Mr. President, would any one of said, the honorable member had intimated that the old States say, at thus being thrown out of the he had not taken into consideration the peculiar protection of the Union? Nay, what would be situation of the United States in relation to the the impulse of the nation were the President caFloridas, and the other parts of the Southern and pable of declaring, that in the event of a war with Western frontiers. He said he was much indebted an enemy, no matter whom, he would leave either to the honorable member, for evincing so much Philadelphia, New York, or Boston, without ofinterest for those sections of the Union; but, Mr. fering any defence, to be taken possession of by A. said, he considered those already provided for, the army of the enemy, and leave it to the citi by the provision made to fill up the regiments on zens of the State whose town should be thus octhe establishment, which, when complete, would cupied, to retake it themselves? Sir, the indigamount to ten thousand men ; this number will nation of those people, and of the nation, would be quite competent to all the objects suggested by rise to such a height, that whatever respect, esteem, the honorable member, and it had not been con- or veneration they may have had for him, all templated, that he had heard, to remove any of would be instantly swept from their bosoms, and these troops from the South or West; consequently he would be hurled from their confidence forever. the situation of those parts of the Union can have But, said Mr. A., the well-earned fame of our late no relation to the number of men to be raised by illustrious Chief, is his shield and his buckler, as the bill under consideration. These troops are well upon this, as it has been upon many other understood to be exclusively for the Northern sec- occasions; and an elucidation of facts will test tion-and with that express view they are to be the correctness of the assertion made by the honraised. Mr. A. said, before he quitted the subject orable member from Virginia. If, Mr. President, of the Southern and Western frontier, he felt him- there was any one part of the United States dearer self constrained to take notice of some very extra-to the late President than any other, in a national ordinary language, used by the honorable mem-point of view, Mr. A. said, he should naturally ber in relation to the intentions of the late and suppose it was New Orleans. It was, as it were, present Presidents, respecting the city of Orleans, his own begotten child; he had nursed it in its in the event of a war with England. It was ex- infancy, and had almost reared it to manhood. tremely painful to doubt the correctness of any Sir, he could never forsake it; much less could gentleman's statement; but this was of so very he voluntarily surrender it, to be sacked and plunextraordinary a character, that in duty to the sec-dered, as it most certainly would be, by a mercention of the country he represented, and from the respect due to those distinguished characters, Mr. A. said he considered himself bound to take no tice, in a particular manner, of the assertions made by the honorable member from Virginia. Mr. A. said, the words had very much surprised him when he heard them uttered; and he had immediately written them down. ary foe. I will now, Mr. President, examine some facts, said Mr. A., which have a strong bearing upon the assertion made by the honorable member from Virginia. It would be recollected by every honorable member upon this floor, that some few years ago, when it was understood that General Prevost, with a body of troops, had sailed from Halifax, with intent, as it was expected, for the mouth of the Mississippi, the then President The honorable member has said, that he did know, that in the event of a war it was the inten-apprehended the movement might possibly be to tion of the late President to let the English take Orleans without opposition, and leave it to the Western people to retake it themselves; and he did believe that it was the intention of the present Administration to act in the same way. [Mr. GILES attempted to explain; but Mr. A. insisted that the words, as he had taken them down, were correct, for which he appealed to the House. Mr. G. desisted from making any further attempt at explanation, and Mr. A. proceeded.] If, sir, said Mr. A.. I could believe the late President of the United States capable of such an act; capable of so deliberate an infringement of the letter and spirit of the Constitution, and all the moral and political obligations by which he was bound to his country and to his duty, I should not hesitate to say, that all his well-earned fame ought to be forever merged in such an atrocious contemplated act. But, said Mr. A., knowing, as I do, the motives and views by which the late President had been uniformly actuated with respect to the whole Western country, I have very solid reason to believe he never contemplated, nor was he capable of committing so daring an outrage on the rights possess Orleans. What was the conduct of the President upon that occasion? Did he leave it defenceless for the enemy to take? No, sir; he immediately gave orders for all the troops that could be collected within almost any reasonable distance, to march immediately for the protection of the place; and those that were near the seaboard were instantly transported by water; and every exertion was made to throw a sufficient force into Orleans and its vicinity, to afford it the most ample protection. This, sir, happened shortly before the President went out of office; and no other occasion presented itself of evincing his good disposition towards that portion of the Union, until he was succeeded by the present Chief Magistrate, who has also been measurably implicated in the same charge, by the honorable member; but of this he has only expressed his belief; he has not, however, told us upon what that belief is founded. Inasmuch then, Mr. President, as the charge exists only in the belief of the honorable member, it is fair to presume purity of intention on the part of the Executive until the contrary shall appear; and this, Mr. A said, he felt entirely confident never would appear. The uniform tenor of the President's moral and political rectitude, were ample vouchers for the correctness of his motives, and the purity of his intentions. Mr. A. said, so far as we have had an opportunity of judging of the disposition of the present Chief Magistrate, in relation to the protection of Orleans, we had not the smallest reason to doubt the purity of his intentions; and he had entire confidence, should an occasion present, that the President would faithfully, ably, and impartially discharge the duties he owed to every part of the Union. DECEMBER, 1811. with the great deficit which he seems so anxious to charge to the Secretary. The Secretary was opposed to the repeal of the salt tax, from his opinion of the correctness of it. The honorable member was also opposed to it, for the same reason; but from complaisance, he himself tells us, he voted for the repeal. He then, and not the Secretary, is answerable to the Treasury for the great loss sustained by the repeal of that tax; for he has told us, that its repeal depended upon his single vote; and that that vote he gave from complaisance, not from a conviction of its correctness. The honorable member charges the Treasury Mr. A. said the observations of the honorable Department with a recession from the difficulties member, respecting the Secretary of the Trea- of the nation, during the last three years, and with sury, the financial department, and the Adminis- the unwillingness of the Secretary to afford the tration as connected with it, required and should usefulness of his talents to Government. Mr. A. receive an answer. Mr. A. said he considered said he could not well understand the meaning of himself peculiarly bound to support the Secretary, this charge, as the honorable member acknowlas he had been the innocent cause, by introducing edges that Government had not called on the Sechim into the debate, in the course of the observa-retary for greater exertions. Mr. A. said he would tions he had made, in support of his motion, and ask the honorable member-in what do that rethereby bringing upon him the animadversions, cession and unwillingness consist? Have not all which the honorable member had taken occasion the duties of the office been performed? Has the to make. His attack upon the Secretary is of a Secretary ever shrunk from responsibility upon any singular kind; he does not impeach a single offi- occasion, or declined answering to the fullest excial act of that officer, but throws out vague in- tent any of the calls made upon him by Congress, sinuations, in so untangible a shape as almost to either for information or opinion? Has he not defy an inquiry into their truth. The official carried the financial bark safely to this moment, acts of a public officer are always free subjects of not withstanding the difficulties of the times? investigation and discussion; but, does it comport Have not all the public engagements been fulfilled; with the dignity of a member of this body, to as- all the increased expenses been defrayed; notperse without proof, not his acts, but his supposed withstanding the decrease of revenue, occasioned opinions? The honorable member presumes the by the state of our foreign relations? What is Secretary gave his assent to the repeal of the salt then meant by recession? Does the honorable tax-upon what authority does he found his opin member mean to say, that it was the duty of the ion of the Secretary? No proof can be given of Secretary to point out new branches of revenue; it. Mr. A. said, he had always understood that while those already existing were sufficient to the Secretary was opposed to the repeal of that defray the expense authorized by law? At this His numerous reports prove the fact; in all moment, while we are acting on the subject of the of which, if they are examined, it will be found Army, which will (greatly) more than double the that he considered that duty as one of the bran- public expenses, the honorable member does not ches of revenue upon which he relied. But deign to inquire into the ways and means. He there would be no criminality, if we were to sup- scouts the very idea, and finds great fault with pose that the Secretary had joined in the general him (Mr. A.) because he presumed to make some opinion and given his assent to the repeal, as well inquiry into the present state of the National Treaas the honorable member has done; the fact, how-sury. Whether we now vote six or ten regiments ever, Mr. A. averred to be otherwise. That officer must be supposed more alive to everything connected with the Treasury, than other members of the Government. So far had the Secretary carried this feeling toward the Treasury, that he was not only opposed to the repeal of the salt tax, but Mr. A. had always understood that he was opposed to the repeal of the internal taxes at the time they took place; with a view no doubt not only to be able to meet all the demands that could be legally made upon the Treasury, but to procure a surplus to meet any contingency that the peculiar state of our foreign relations might demand. How then the honorable member can charge the Secretary with the deficiency which the salt tax would have prevented, according to the gentleman's calculation, Mr. A. said he was at a loss to know. The honorable member ought more properly to charge his own complaisance tax. of infantry, with the addition of those of artillery and horse, the expense will be great; but we think it necessary some additional troops shall be raised, and will vote accordingly. After they shall have been authorized, and not before, the Treasury Department may be called upon, to point out the resources and present them to our consideration. The honorable member, not satisfied with his vague charge of what he calls a recession of the Treasury Department, extends the charge, in a most extraordinary manner, to the late and present Administrations. To their indisposition to press on the Treasury, and to disturb the repose and popularity of the Secretary of the Treasury, the honorable member ascribes the measures, which, in his opinion, had dishonored the nation the last three years. Can this be correct, Mr. President? Can this House believe that the late and present Administrations would be capable of DECEMBER, 1811. Additional Military Force. SENATE. dent, and with their result now before us; he had, however, specified two cases under the former Administration-a refusal to incur the expense necessary to carry the embargo into effect, and a rejection by the House of Representatives of a proposition to authorize contingent letters of marque and reprisal. Mr. A. said, he had always understood, that the Executive had used with great assiduity every means which had been placed in his hands by Congress, to carry into effect the several embargo laws; that the laws were as well executed as any restrictive laws, of so pressing a character, could have been upon so extensive a coast, and more so than the restrictive laws of Great Britain and France had ever been, with all their navies and their numerous armies; and that it was not because this law was not well executed that it was repealed, but in consequence of another consideration, well known to the honorable member himself, who can give as accurate a history of the repeal of that law as any honorable member of either House. Mr. A. said, with respect to the failure, on the part of the House of Representatives, to adopt contingent letters of marque and reprisal, he could not see how that could with any propriety be attributed to the late President. He did not indeed, by an official message, recommend such a measure; and the correctness of such a course might well be doubted, upon Constitutional grounds. But, Mr. A. said he well knew that the President was anxious for a provision of that kind, as a substitute for the embargo; whether in the precise phraseology of the provision the House rejected, Mr. A. could not say; but knowing, as he did, that the President was desirous of a strong substitute, he was sorry that the honorable member had attempted to attribute to him the failure of so important a measure, for which he was in no way responsible. acting upon such principles? The honorable member has roundly asserted that the late President, that Mr. Jefferson, whenever he was opposed to what he deemed unnecessary expense, instead of being actuated by his known aversion to saddle such an expense on the people, instead of being, as he had expressed it, averse to taking from the mouth of labor its hard earnings, had no other motive, but a fear to disturb the repose and popularity of the Secretary of the Treasury! But, Mr. President, what is the Treasury, abstractedly speaking? and what does the honorable member mean, by a fear to press on the Treasury? The officers of the Treasury are mere agents to receive and to pay the money which is collected from the people. There is never any real pressure on the Treasury. If there be at any time a pressure for the purpose of defraying any expense, it is a pressure on the people, who must pay the money. Whether the Treasury has ten or twenty millions to collect from the people, and to pay to the other agents of Government, the repose of the Secretary is not in the least disturbed. When, during the Revolutionary war, Congress was obliged to call on the people for heavy taxes, or unable to redeem our paper money, the pressure fell on the people, who had the taxes to pay and in whose hands the paper money died away. When, notwithstanding these inadequate resources, we were unable to defray the most necessary expenses, the pressure fell on whom? On our empty Treasury? No sir-it fell on the Army-on the defenders of your country on those war-worn veterans, who were scantily fed, hardly clothed, and not paid at all, and whose earnings, at last, fell into the hands of speculating harpies. But, sir, what effect had this state of things upon the personal repose of your then Commissioners of the Treasury? Not the least, except so far as they felt for the distresses of their country, and identified themselves with its fate; and it is only in this point of view, said Mr. A., that the repose of a Secretary of your Treasury can be disturbed on similar occasions. That substitution of the Treasury-of the chest into which the taxes are paid-to the people themselves who pay them, is one of those equivoques of which the honorable member is so fond. It is, The Senate resumed the second reading of the however, an artifice too thinly veiled, to deceive bill to raise, for a limited time, an additional milthe Senate, or mislead our constituents. Mr. A.itary force; and the motion made by Mr. ANDERsaid, the course taken by the honorable member SON, to strike out the word "ten," section one, had been so devious, that it had been hard to fol- line three. low him, and indeed sometimes to understand his meaning correctly. WEDNESDAY, December 18. The bill extending the time of certain patents granted to Robert Fulton, was read the second time. ADDITIONAL MILITARY FORCE. Mr. CAMPBELL of Tennessee rose, and, in substance, made the following observations. He said Mr. A. said, he could not, nor did he intend, he would submit to the Senate some of the reawhen he rose, to answer all the observations of sons which would govern his vote on this questhe honorable member-he had selected the most tion, and then he would notice such of the reprominent, and should answer only one or two marks made by the honorable gentleman from more. The honorable member had said, that to Virginia (Mr. GILES) as appeared to him to rethe unwillingness of the late and present Admin- late to the grounds on which he acted. It would istration to incur expense, he attributes the present seem, said Mr. C., from what has passed on this situation of our country. Although he has made subject, that little or no difference of opinion exthis charge against the Administration, he has ists, especially among gentlemen on the Repubnot specified any case in which the present Ad-lican side, with regard to the objects to be effected ministration had refused to incur expense. Mr. A. supposed it would have been rather too bold a charge, after the measures adopted by the Presi12th CoN. 1st SESS.-3 by the troops proposed to be raised. All appear to admit the time has arrived in which you ought to, and must act; the crisis requires it; and nothing |
