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H. OF R.

Additional Military Force.

JANUARY, 1812.

tion. Is that proud virtue, that exalted attribute, different; those to Great Britain most favorable. without which there is neither value nor patriot-It was apprehended France would accept the ism in the individual, to be treated with disre- terms offered to Great Britain, without affording spect, to be utterly discarded, when the great that security to commerce which was considered concerns of the nation are under consideration? a just equivalent for the repeal of the embargo. Of what is the nation composed? Of brutes, sir, England herself selected the situation in which or men; high-minded, honorable men? He pre-she is placed. The difference between the tone sumed he could offer no outrage so great to that gentleman as the slightest imputation on his honor, and shall that which graces the character of a gentleman be scouted from this House? Shall we, who hold our honor dearer than life and all its blessings, consider that of the nation as a bubble? Miserable indeed will be our condition, when there shall be "nothing level in our cursed natures, but villany direct." Sir, the gentleman preaches a dangerous doctrine; it goes to sap the foundations of society, to embitter the sweetest endearments of life. We have travelled far on the high road to ruin, when individuals are taught to calculate their interests to be at variance with those of the nation or its Government. Such doctrine must destroy us, But, said the gentleman, if honor is not a matter of calculation, why pay the tribute to the Barbary Powers? He hoped to be excused, when he declared himself mortified to see that gentleman stoop to such an argument; it is destitute even of originality.

When the embargo was laid, every species of contumely was cast upon all who approved it. We were accused of crimes, with a prodigality of abuse that was never before witnessed. That we had abandoned their rights to the ocean-that our seamen had been shamefully sacrificed-that our Eastern navigating interest had been treacherously destroyed. The embargo was at length given up, and the non-intercourse law was adopted. That, too, was wrong, says the gentleman; then non-importation was resorted to still wrong. He prayed the gentleman to say what would be right. If he will neither stay at home to avoid injury, nor fight when it is inflicted abroad, what will he do? Sir, I am for fighting! No, says the gentleman, let us have no war, now you have selected your enemy, by purchasing of Napoleon the privilege of going to France. Is that a fair statement of the fact? that gentleman cannot believe it.

of supplication at London, and remonstrance at Paris, is, indeed, palpable. Have we not bowed, and begged, and entreated, for accommodation, until our then Minister at London had been charged by many, though not by him, with a prostitution of his functions and character; with disgracing the nation by his supplications? Did not every man in the community see that the Administration had done everything in their power to obtain a repeal of the Orders in Council, and yet because France has accepted, and England refused the terms of adjustment, it is talked of as the purchase of a right! When the arrangement with Mr. Erskine was effected, did any one then condemn the Administration for having purchased of Great Britain the privilege of going to her dominions? On the contrary, were not all rejoiced and anxious to share the credit of that arrangement? Sooner or later, sir, we must fight or be sacrificed; the sooner we begin, in my opinion, the better. But we must not resist the injustice and tyranny of Great Britain-she is fighting, said the gentleman, for her existence! for the liberties of the world! Sir, if her existence depends upon the ruin of my country, then, I say, down let her go. He thought the gentleman was as wide from the fact here as in any other argument. It is impossible, from the very nature of our commerce with her, that it should weaken, much less destroy her. A trade which consists in the exportation of raw materials and the necessaries of life, receiving its returns, principally, in her own manufactures, must necessarily advance her interest and invigorate her strength. If she would abandon her mad policy against us, that same spirit of enterprise, which extended into every region of the world, seeking the means whereby to cancel that balance in her favor, before alluded to, would again pour its rich and tributary streams into all her dominions. Under such a state of things he would rejoice as much as any man to see her arm strengthened; but if that arm is to continue lifted against his country, he cared not how soon it was leprosied and destroyed.

He is too honorable himself deliberately to suspect others of such dastardly conduct. He defied the gentleman to look back upon the conduct of the Administration, and point out any terms which had been offered to France, in the smallest She is contending for the liberties of the world! degree, more favorable than have been offered to he would as soon have expected to hear that the England. Were not the same terms offered to Devil had espoused the cause of Christianity! both, and always first to England? Is there any So far from fighting for the liberties of the world, man who doubts that the same identical terms the standard of freedom had never been raised in which France has accepted have been rejected any country without her attempting to pull it by England? How then can it be said we pur- down. If it was not foreign to his purpose, he chased of France any right whatever? He did could trace her footsteps, wherever she moved, not think the gentleman could be guilty of be-marked by blood and desolation; all the miseries of lieving such an insinuation. It is not true. But the reverse is the fact. The Administration did, at one time, offer more favorable terms to Great Britain than to France. He alluded to the offer to suspend the embargo. The terms then were

war and revengeful massacre have travelled in her train into every region inhabited by man. For whose fell cupidity were so many human hecatombs sacrificed in India? For whose more fell ambition did she wage war on infancy and inno

JANUARY, 1812.

Additional Military Force.

H. OF R.

cence in the West? For whom does the savageable. It was not wanting, however it may have

yell now wake the sleep of the cradle? England! indisputably, to extend and secure the blessings of liberty to the world!

The gentleman had said, if the war on which we are about to enter be just, we have not the means to carry it on. His worthy colleague (Mr. LOWNDES) had rendered it perfectly unnecessary for him to meet this argument; he would, therefore, only observe, that if the war be just and necessary, it ought to be commenced; if commenced, it must be supported-cost out of the question. The power of maintaining it will find no limitation as long as you can raise a revenue sufficient to pay the interest of the debt you may incur in prosecuting the war. Sir, it is worse than idle to talk about war without a disposition to provide the means of carrying it on by taxes; they are inseparable. For his part he was ready to vote them, and he had no doubt that the people, knowing that the Administration had done everything in their power, and more than was called for, by any other consideration than a love of peace, to avoid war, would sustain it as long as the resources of the nation were applied with spirit and faithfulness; at all events let us do our duty and leave the rest to them.

But, if your means be sufficient, said the gentleman, your physical force is inadequate. If this army is employed without the limits of the United States, we are threatened with war on our Eastern frontier; our towns will be burnt-our cities sacked. Can the gentleman estimate the patriotism of freemen less than the obedience of slaves? Is the physical force of the owner of the American soil less than that of the mercenary hireling of Europe? Do you doubt? Call up the great spirits of the patriot dead-appeal to the unbroken valor of the living-to those men, the sterling excellence of whose virtues bore them triumphant through the unequalled horrors of the Revolution! He could not believe that seven hundred thousand freemen in arms were inadequate to sustain any war in defence of their just and dearest rights.

But it is said, if our means and physical force were inadequate to the war, our objects cannot be obtained by it. Mr. W. said he thought other wise. It appeared to him much easier to settle the terms of a new peace, than to patch up the old quarrel. When he considered the limited extent of our demands, and the nature of the pressure on the enemy, he could not but believe our objects would be attained. What are our demands? What have we been so long seeking, rather begging-for we have begged negotiation? Truly, Mr. Speaker, in two short words, "hands off!" "We ask-no, sir, we never have asked of her any boon, any sacrifice whatever. "Hands off" is the only term or stipulation that we sue for; fulfilled, she would bind this nation to her fate. But what is the nature of the pressure and injury that we can inflict? They are to her deep and dangerous. We also must suffer; but, thank God, we can stand it. The appetite of revenge is keen and steady; in most men inextinguish

been provoked, to enable individual enterprise to wage a war, if not of absolute ruin, certainly of vital injury to her commerce, not only "before our doors," in the West Indies, under the heights of Dover, but to the Indian ocean. Deprive the West Indies of the supplies of our necessaries of life and of lumber, and their profitable cultivation would be too much diminished not to be considered. Take our raw materials from her manufactures, and they are injured, not merely to the amount of the enhanced price of such articles, but to the entire loss of their whole exports to this country. Is such an injury too trifling for her consideration? The conquest of her North American Colonies, too, must be felt. Yes, sir, conquest-for they must inévitably fall. The gentleman may depreciate the physical force of an American army as much as he pleases; but rely upon it, whenever the storm of war is poured on Canada and Halifax, it will sweep with the resistless impetuosity of Niagara.

But, if you wage a successful war, says the gentleman, the Army will probably overthrow the Constitution, as none but General WASHINGTON could have prevented the Army of the Revolution from subverting the liberties it had conquered. Mr. W. declared that observation was to him truly painful; he wished such an insinuation against such an army could have been spared. Sir, that army was true to the core. It is not probable that such a band of patriots-the only army that ever did give liberty to a country-could have imagined its destruction. To this fact the letters of Newburg were conclusive. Those letters were alone wanting to finish the purity of its character. Suppose there were two, or even three, traitors in a camp, does it follow that the whole army must necessarily be polluted? No, sir. So far was he from believing the liberties of the country were in danger from the Army, he would say, there never was a pe riod, during the whole Revolutionary war, when the great WASHINGTON himself, justly as he has been described "the sanctuary of a nation's best love," could have been a successful usurper. It was as impossible as that such a black project should enter his virtuous mind. He felt the profoundest gratitude, even adoration, if it were justifiable for man, to that inestimable body of men who achieved the liberties we enjoy. Their arduous toils-their hardships-his feelings were too much excited to go on. He believed he could never have stood here a freeman but for that army.

If, sir, we are to take counsel of the gentle. man from Virginia, we are in a most awful situation; notwithstanding the proud glories of the Revolution, we must submit to every indignityevery daring infraction of our rights. It would seem we are destitute of resources; without means to support the war; even our physical force is inadequate; but, was it adequate, were the means ample, they must not be exerted; the Government would be subverted; the veil of the temple of the Constitution would be rent in

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twain. Although the best interests of this nation are crushed beneath the paw of the British lion, we must not resist; he then is wisest who can soonest bow, with all the stupid serenity of servitude, and take the yoke! Every faculty of my soul, said Mr. W., is indignant at this counsel, and for one, I say, I will not submit!

The question was now taken on the passage of the bill, and determined in the affirmative-yeas 94, nays 34, as follows:

JANUARY, 1812.

trict of Columbia, presented a bill to incorporate the Trustees of the Georgetown Lancaster School Society: which was read twice and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next. Mr. NEWTON, from the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, presented a bill to authorize the importation of goods, wares, and merchandise, under certain circumstances, from Great Britain, her colonies, or dependencies; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Friday next.

Mr. N. said, the Committee of Ways and Means had for some time delayed making a report upon these petitions, waiting to see the course which Congress would take in relation to our differences with Great Britain. Finding the United States are about to take a manly attitude and to maintain their national rights with firmness and spirit, they conceive that all goods, wares, and merchandise, that were purchased or contracted for by our merchants in the British dominions, anterior to the second of February last, ought to be permitted to be imported into the United States, and therefore directed their chairman to report this bill.

YEAS-Willis Alston, William Anderson, Stevenson Archer, Daniel Avery, Ezekiel Bacon, David Bard, Josiah Bartlett, Burwell Bassett, William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, Harmanus Bleecker, Thos. Blount, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, John C. Calhoun, Langdon Cheves, Matthew Clay, James Cochran, John Clopton, Lewis Condit, William Crawford, Roger Davis, John Dawson, Joseph Desha, Samuel Dinsmoor, Elias Earle, James Emott, William Findley, James Fisk, Meshack Franklin, Thomas Gholson, Thomas R. Gold, Isaiah L. Green, Felix Grundy, Bolling Hall, Obed Hall, John A. Harper, Aylett Hawes, John M. Hyneman, Richard M. Johnson, Joseph Kent, William R. King, Abner Lacock, Joseph Lefever, Peter Little, Robert Le Roy Livngston, William Lowndes, Aaron Lyle, George C. Maxwell, Thomas Moore, William McCoy, Samuel A Message was received from the President of McKee, Alexander McKim, Arunah Metcalf, James the United States, enclosing a report from the DiMilnor, Samuel L. Mitchill, James Morgan, Jeremiah rector of the Mint for the last year, in which it is Morrow, Hugh Nelson, Anthony New, Thomas New-stated that the supply of silver bullion had never ton, Stephen Ormsby, William Paulding, jr., Israel Pick-before been more abundant, than it had been for ens, William Piper, Benjamin Pond, Peter B. Porter, the greater part of the year.-Ordered to be Josiah Quincy; William Reed, Samuel Ringgold, John Rhea, John Roane, Jonathan Roberts, Ebenezer Sage, Thomas Sammons, Ebenezer Seaver, John Sevier, Adam Seybert, Samuel Shaw, George Smith, John Smith, William Strong, George Sullivan, Peleg Tall man, John aliaferro, Uri Tracy, George M. Troup, Charles Turner, jun., Pierre Van Cortlandt, David R. Williams, William Widgery, Richard Winn, and Robert Wright.

printed.

The House next went into Committee on the bill to empower the Secretary of the Treasury to decide upon the case of the Eliza Ann, of New York; which, being gone through, was reported to the House, and ordered to a third reading.

MUNITIONS OF WAR.

stores, camp equipage, and other quartermaster's

stores and small arms.

Mr. SEYBERT called for the order of the day on NAYS-Abijah Bigelow, Adam Boyd, James Breck-the bill authorizing the purchase of ordnance enridge, Elijah Brigham, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, John Davenport, jun., William Ely, Asa Fitch, Jacob Hufty, Richard Jackson, jun., Philip B. Key, Lyman Law, Joseph Lewis, jun., Nathaniel Macon, Archibald McBryde, Jonathan O. Mose-it ley, Thomas Newbold, Joseph Pearson, Timothy Pitkin, jun., Elisha R. Potter, John Randolph, William Rodman, Daniel Sheffey, John Smilie, Richard Stanford, Philip Stuart, Silas Stow, Lewis B. Sturges, Samuel Taggart, Benjamin Tallmadge, Laban Wheaton, Leonard White, and Thomas Wilson.

TUESDAY, January 7.

Mr. BACON, from the Committee of Ways and Means, presented a bill making an appropriation for the expenses incident to the six companies of mounted rangers, during the year 1812; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole to-morrow.

Mr. GHOLSON, from the Committee of Claims, presented a bill for the relief of the Board of Commissioners west of Pearl river; which was read twice, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on Monday next.

Mr. Lewis, from the Committee for the Dis.

The House having agreed to take up this bill, resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole upon it; when, the bill having been read through, and the question being upon filling the first blank, Mr. SEYBERT spoke as follows:

Mr. Chairman-The bill which I have called before the Committee, is one of the first importance. A general report was heretofore made to the House, founded on the statements and facts which were communicated to the Committee by the Secretaries of the War and Navy Departments; every position, therein assumed, can be maintained by incontrovertible facts. Much had been said about expense In my opinion, when a nation has decided upon the great question of war, every minor question is thereby absorbed and obliterated this question amalgamates every succeeding one. War should only be entered into when considerations of expense can have no influence on the decision. Such appears to be the present condition of this nation. We have determined in favor of resistance to the unwarrantable and unjust aggressions of Great Britain on our

JANUARY, 1812.

Disabled Soldiers.

H. OF R.

lion five hundred thousand dollars, and the second
with four hundred thousand dollars, which mo-
tions were agreed to without a division. The
two sections of the bill then read as follows:
"Be it enacted, &c., That the sum of one million
by appropriated for the purchase, under the direction
of the President of the United States, of ordnance,
ordnance stores, camp equipage, and other quartermas
ter's stores, for the use of the Army of the United

States.

and the same is hereby appropriated for the purchase, "That the sum of four hundred thousand dollars be, under the direction of the President of the United States, of saltpetre, and sulphur, for making the same into powder, and for ordnance and small arms for the use of the Navy of the United States."

The Committee rose, the House agreed to the amendments, and the bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow.

DISABLED SOLDIERS.

sovereign rights-we cannot stop, we cannot draw back, unless she recedes and repeals her hostile edicts. When the war is commenced, it must be viewed as an appendage to the war for independence. You have already taken the previous question on the subject; you have voted a reg-five hundred thousand dollars be, and the same is hereular army of 25,000 men, in addition to your Peace Establishment-they cannot be kept idle; idleness is the bane of the honorable soldier; to make them efficient you must supply them with arms. I have heard it said on this floor, that a part of your militia, the bulwark of the nation, is supplied with cornstalks instead of firelocks. If this be a truth, O! for Heaven's sake, apply a speedy remedy, you have the means within your reach: at any rate, make your regulars as efficient as possible. On this subject there can be no difference of sentiment in this House. It gives me peculiar pleasure, when I compare our present means with those which we deemed competent to commence the war for American independence. At that period, our fathers needed everything, but a bold. and intrepid spirit, to lead them to freedom. They determined on the contest, and were triumphant. Can we hesitate? Surely not, sir, when we have all the necessary materials within our reach; nay, they are our national resources. Need I detail to you again, that we possess five hundred and thirty operative forges, furnaces and bloomeries; two hundred and seven powder mills; that the iron which is annually manufactured is incalculable in amount; that your lead mines offer a superfluity of that article; that our resources for saltpetre in the Western States are extensively known, and that the supplies may be made as abundant as the article is all-important. For sulphur, sir in common with most other nations, we are now dependent on foreign supplies; still I do not despond: and shall it be hereafter necessary, from circumstances, to seek for additions to the quantity at present at our command, I anticipate the aid of science, of chemical science, to point out the mode to separate this article from its combinations, which abound in the United States.

Sir, to some the amount which I shall require may seem enormous. It will be well applied; and to gentlemen who feel uneasiness on the subject, let them rest easy when they are told, that the greater part of the articles for which the expenditures are contemplated, are such as are imperishable from their nature; so that if Great Britain shall proceed to do us justice, and I hope to God she will without forcing them to arms, these supplies will form a stock for the nation in cases of future emergency.

Mr. DAWSON then called up the bill for the relief of infirm, superannuated, and disabled officers and soldiers; which motion being agreed to, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole upon it; when Mr. D. spoke as follows:

Mr.Chairman: The pressure of business relative to our foreign affairs, and my infirm state of health, have delayed an indulgence of my wishes in bringing forward this subject at an earlier period, and indeed I now find it impossible to do it that justice which it merits.

In presenting to you this bill, I have obeyed the unanimous vote of the committee to whom the subject was referred, and the dictates of my own judgment, while I have gratified the best wishes of my own heart. It is a subject about which, in common, I trust, with a majority of this House, I feel warmly interested-it is a subject which has often been brought to the view of this House, and the principle has always appeared to me to merit the sanction of this House. A much valued friend of mine, an honorable gentleman who now sits on the bench in a neighboring State, and who himself was carried from the field covered with wounds and honor, often called the attention of Congress to the sufferings of his fellow soldiers, now infirm, disabled, and superannuated, by wounds received in our Revolutionary war. His voice was never raised in vain, though his efforts were never attended with success, owing to a diversity of opinion as to the details of the bill. The committee have endeavored to avoid that evil, by extending the provisions of the bill to the case of every person who sustained injury in his person, while in the actual service of his

though I shall with pleasure accede to the views of other gentlemen as to amendments not fatal to the bill, my first object being to get this institution established, leaving it to time and to experience to point out and cure its defects.

One word, sir, on the subject of arms. The present stock is sufficient for all our purposes-country. This, sir, meets with my approbation, our public establishments, and such as are furnished by individuals, will enable us to gratify the most sanguine expectations on this subject. Sir, I will read to you the estimates which have been furnished by the proper departments, and will then submit to the Committee the several sums which are necessary to be voted by the bill, Mr. S. having read the estimates to which he alluded, moved to fill the first blank with one mil

Ever since I have had the honor of a seat in this House, I have voted in favor of every claim which appeared to be founded in justice, and I have extended that principle with a liberal hand

H. OF R.

Statute of Limitations.

JANUARY, 1812.

towards those who rendered us services, especially ' Mr. CLAY (the Speaker) hoped the Committee personal services, during the Revolutionary war. Their number is now small indeed, and in my judgment it ill becomes a great, and I trust a grateful nation, to suffer those who have fought her battles to go down in poverty and sorrow to the grave. No, sir, we ought to afford food and raiment to the infirm and superannuated, and to pour balm into the disabled defenders of their country. Every principle of justice, gratitude, and humanity, call aloud for this. And there is one consideration, arising from policy, which in my judgment strongly urges its adoption. We shall probably soon be involved in a war. On yesterday we passed a bill for raising a large army. Pass this bill, and it will have a happy effect in filling your ranks; yes, when it is seen that our country is not ungrateful-that she will make comfortable the declining years of those who have spent their better days in her service, it will be a strong inducement with many to step forward and enter into that service.

would disagree to this resolution. It appears that the officers of the Treasury are of opinion that provision may be made for this description of claims without that danger of fraud, which might possibly arise from a total repeal of the statute of limitations; that their whole amount does not exceed $300,000, and the probability is, that onefifth will never be applied for, should they be authorized to be paid. What, said Mr. C., is this statute of limitations, which, whenever mentioned in this House, seems to make every body tremble? It is a general rule prescribed by the Government for the direction of its accounting officers in order to exclude unjust claims. What are statutes of limitation as applicable to individual cases? A rule under which individuals claim protection whenever they choose to do so, and when, from the lapse of time, or loss of evidence, they would be injured, were they not to take this advantage. But in these statutes of limitation, there are always exceptions in favor of cases of disability, infancy, coverture, insanity, absence beyond sea, &c. But what is the course which an individual would take who found himself protected by a statute of limitation? He would examine the justice of the claim brought against him, if the claim were just, if he had been deprived of no evidence by the delay, if as able to pay it as if it had been preMr. RHEA moved to amend the bill, by a new sented at an earlier day, he will not hesitate to dissection, providing a pension for every noncom-charge the claim, and scorn to take advantage of 'missioned officer and soldier, who, by reason ' of having a family, or for other good cause, may 'not be able to join the corps of invalids, not ex'ceeding half the pay of such non-commissioned officer or soldier."

I am far, very far, from thinking this bill perfect. I am sensible that it has many defects, and I invite the friendly aid of all gentlemen, on every side of the Committee, and particularly of the select committee, to point out, and endeavor to cure these defects, and to establish a system which will do honor to this House and to this coutry.

This amendment, after some debate, was negatived, and the bill was reported without amendment, and ordered to lie upon the table.

Mr. DAWSON gave notice he would call it up on Thursday.

STATUTE OF LIMITATIONS.

On motion of Mr..GHOLSON, the House resolved itself into a Committee, on a report of the Committee of Claims on the subject of excepting certain claims from the act of limitations. The report of the committee being read, which concluded with a resolve that it is inexpedient to open the act of limitations for the claims in question:

Mr. GHOLSON hoped the committee would not agree to this report. Information had been received from the Treasury Department, stating in a distinct and unequivocal manner, that all this description of claims (which were all liquidated claims, such as indents of interest, certificates, &c.,) might be allowed by the Government, without danger of fraud or imposition; and, said Mr. G., if justice can be extended to this description of claimants, without danger, why should it be deferred? Only one solitary reason had been offered that the persons really entitled to these claims upon Government might not get the money. He hoped this would not be sufficient to prevent Congress from doing what was just on the occasion.

the statute. And, said Mr. C., shall the Govern-
ment be less willing to discharge its just debts
than an honest individual? Shall we turn a deaf
ear to the claims of individuals upon Government
because of this statute? He trusted not. The
Committee of Claims ought to examine the merit
of every claim which comes before it, and if it be
just, decide in its favor. But what, said Mr. C.,
has been the history of claims, for four or five
years past? When a solitary claim was pre-
sented, the House would say, we cannot legislate
upon individual cases. They occupy too much
of our time. The claim is put aside. The same
individual, some time after, appears in company
with others. We then say there are too many
of these claims-their amount is too large, and
the Treasury too poor-that there are a great
many other claims equally well founded-that jus-
tice cannot be done to them all. Sometimes
there is a division between the two Houses.
House passes a bill in favor of some particular
claim-the other tells you, they will not legislate
for particular cases; that if they act, they wish
to take up the subject generally. Mr. C. said, it
was his wish, both in his public and private char-
acter, as far as possible, to do justice; he there-
fore hoped the course proposed by the Chairman
of the Committee of Claims would be agreed to.

This

The resolution recommended by the report was negatived, 54 to 31; and a resolution offered by Mr. GOLD, recommending a provision by law for these claims, after some objections from Mr. ALSTON, was agreed to 39 to 36.

The Committee then took up, on motion of Mr. GHOLSON, a resolution which had been referred

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